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 / Socially Constructed Digital Space 

The concept of socially constructed space was first articulated by Henri Lefebvre in his work, The Production of Space (1974). Lefebvre argued that social space reveals its particular nature precisely when it ceases to be conflated with mental space or physical space (Lefebvre, 1991, p. 27). 1 This theoretical framework offers a powerful lens for analysing digital space. On one hand, digital space is indeed a mental construct, gaining dimensionality through codes, protocols, and conventions that users tacitly accept to facilitate communication. On the other hand, it is grounded in physical reality, dependent on servers, fibre optic cables, and devices, which form the architectural substrate enabling both social and virtual interactions. For Lefebvre, the production of social space unfolds across three interconnected dimensions: perceived space (le perçu), comprising daily routines, human interactions, and the collective production of urban reality; conceived space (le conçu), shaped by architects, planners, and technologists through codes, signs, and knowledge systems; and lived space (le vécu), the realm of imagination, emotion, and social experience where space is appropriated and transformed. 

Mark Nunes in Cyberspaces of Everyday Life (2006), has emphasised digital space’s abstract, idealised qualities, framing it as a “realm of pure thought, unmediated by one’s material place in the world” (Nunes, 2006, p. 8). 3 However, I argue that reducing digital space solely to a mental or abstract domain, aligning it only with perceived or conceived space, limits our understanding of its full social complexity. Instead, digital space can be more productively analysed as a socially constructed space that incorporates all three of Lefebvre’s dimensions.


Firstly, the perceived space of digital environments encompasses the daily interactions and practices of users: scrolling, posting, working, and engaging in entertainment online. This dimension became especially salient during the COVID-19 pandemic, when digital platforms absorbed a vast range of social, professional, and leisure activities, effectively constituting a new urban reality. This reality is constructed through architectures like search engines and social media feeds—systems that organise and give form to digital experience. What is particularly revealing, however, is when this constructed reality is deliberately disrupted or subverted. The work of artist Ben Grosser offers a compelling case study. His project Not For You (2020) functions as an “automated confusion system” designed to mislead TikTok’s recommendation algorithm. By navigating the platform agnostically, clicking on suppressed videos, and bypassing personalised feeds, the system exposes the hidden politics of algorithmic curation and challenges the platform’s drive toward conformity and addiction. Similarly, Grosser’s Minus (2021–present) reimagines social media through a subtractive logic: users receive only 100 posts for life, countering the infinite growth model of corporate platforms. By removing metrics like ‘likes’ and infinite scroll, Minus fosters slower, more intentional interaction, foregrounding human connection over capitalist extraction.

These interventions reveal how the perceived space of digital environments can be questioned, reprogrammed, and lived differently. They demonstrate that digital space is not merely a passive container but an active, contested domain where social relations are continually produced and rearranged. In this light, digital space emerges as a quintessential example of Lefebvre’s triad: simultaneously perceived, conceived, and lived, which is a deeply social space in constant formation.


Secondly, the conceived space of the digital realm is fundamentally structured through code and algorithmic logic, designed by architects (both human and institutional) to produce navigable, predictable environments. In its earliest iterations, digital space was often experimental and idiosyncratic, characterised by a wild diversity of forms, layouts, and visual languages. However, over decades of development, it has undergone a process of intense rationalisation, resulting in polished, standardised interfaces governed by strict protocols aimed at easing and controlling user interaction. Today, users often inhabit nearly identical digital ‘rooms’, social media profiles, content management templates, streaming platforms, which they customise within narrowly defined parameters, much like tenants personalising identical apartments in a vast, uniform building.

This transition is powerfully documented in Olga Lialina’s essay A Vernacular Web (2005–2010), which archives the visual and material culture of mid-1990s web pages. As Lialina observes, the early web was “bright, rich, personal, slow and under construction,” a space of “sudden connections and personal links” built largely by amateurs. It was a digital landscape brimming with hope and a sense of potential, where pages were crafted on “the edge of tomorrow” (Lialina, 2005). 1 Yet this vernacular creativity was gradually effaced by the rise of corporate platforms, professionalised design tools, and the rigid guidelines of usability experts. The amateur web did not disappear entirely, but it became marginalised—hidden beneath the weight of search engine algorithms and institutional neglect, its aesthetic vitality often reduced to a source of parody or nostalgic retrieval.


What Lialina’s work reveals is a fundamental shift in the conception of digital space: from an open, expressive medium shaped by its users to a highly regulated environment where architecture is dictated by platforms like Meta. In this newly conceived space, the agency of the individual user is circumscribed by predefined pathways and interaction loops. Hyperlinks that were once the fundamental gesture of a connective, exploratory web are now often limited or channelled to keep users within closed ecosystems. Instagram, for example, restricts the implementation of external links, effectively curbing free movement between platforms and information sources. Here, the architects are no longer individual webmasters but corporations whose primary logic is engagement and retention, not intellectual exploration or serendipitous discovery. Thus, where the conceived space of the early web was shaped by the values of openness and personal expression, it has increasingly been replaced by a space conceived for usability, commercial optimisation, and control. This transition mirrors broader patterns in urban planning and architectural modernism, where functional standardisation often supersedes local variation and organic growth. In the digital realm, as in the physical one, the conceived space is never neutral: it embodies the values, priorities, and power structures of those who design it.

Thirdly, the ‘lived space’ of the digital realm encompasses the dynamic, experiential, and social dimensions of how users inhabit, appropriate, and transform digital environments through everyday engagement. It is characterised by timeless, globalised interaction and the emergence of collective intelligence, facilitated by the very structure and metaphoricity of digital space itself. Unlike the rigidly conceived architectures imposed by platforms, the lived space is fluid, affective, and often subversive: it is where users reinterpret, resist, or repurpose digital environments beyond their intended design. This dimension of space thrives on immediacy; the collapse of temporal and geographic distance enables real-time collaboration, conversation, and cultural production, whether through open-source software development, meme circulation, or viral social movements. The mental and metaphorical frameworks of digital space, the browser as a window, the feed as a stream, the cloud as boundless storage—are not merely decorative; they shape how people perceive and behave within these environments, enabling intuitive and embodied forms of interaction. 


In this sense, contemporary digital space embodies all three elements of Lefebvre’s framework: the conceived space of algorithms and interfaces, the perceived space of visual and navigational structures, and the lived space of social practice and meaning-making. It is within this lived layer that digital space becomes truly social: a realm of continuous negotiation, adaptation, and creativity, where users continually reimagine what these spaces are and can be.


This theoretical exploration has established digital space as a socially constructed triality, simultaneously perceived, conceived, and lived, wherein the interface functions as the primary site of spatial production and contestation. Having delineated this framework, the inquiry now turns from the abstract nature of digital space to the concrete practices enacted within it. The following chapter examines the specific domain of net art curation to interrogate a central tension: to what extent do these practices merely replicate established physical concepts of exhibition, and to what degree do they generate novel, native innovations for the digital realm?

This question moves beyond a simple binary. As suggested by the fluidity of Lefebvre's lived space and the critical subversions of artists like Grosser, net art curation does not operate in a vacuum of pure invention. It exists in a dialogic relationship with physical precedents, the white cube, the salon hang, and the theatrical stage, which it simultaneously references, reinterprets, and often deliberately ruptures. The critical lens shifts, therefore, from imitation versus innovation to an analysis of translation and transcendence. The pivotal concept for this analysis is the rhizome, as articulated by Deleuze and Guattari. Opposed to the hierarchical, root-tree model of linear organisation, the rhizome offers a model of a-centred, non-hierarchical, and multiplicious connections. In the context of net art curation, the rhizomatic structure provides a powerful alternative to the linear, narrative-driven "story" of the traditional thematic group show.

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